Andreas von Bonin, LL.M. '98
© Copyright Andreas v. Bonin

The "Sondersituation" of Broadcasting

in German and American Law

Exam Paper for

Telecommunications Law

Fall Term 1997/98

Columbia Law School

Prof. Lance Liebman


Table of Contents

jump directly to beginning of text

I. Introduction 1

II. How Broadcasting is Treated Differently 2

A. Art. 5 Grundgesetz and the Development of the "Dual System" in Germany 2

1. History 3

2. Broadcasting and Cable: No Difference 5

3. Art. 5 I cl. 2 Grundgesetz as a "Serving Liberty" 6

4. The Consequence: The Constitution Requires Regulation 8

a. The Need for Statutory Regulation 8

b. Organization 8

c. Pluralism 10

aa. Internal Pluralism 10

bb. External Pluralism 10

cc. Reality 11

d. State Supervision 11

e. Antitrust 12

f. Conclusion 13

5. The "Freedom from State" Rationale 13

6. The "Basic Supply" Rationale 14

7. Particular Limitations on the Editorial Freedom of Broadcasters 15

a. License 15

b. "Program Standards" 15

c. Advertisement 16

d. Right of Reply 17

e. Protection of the Youth 17

f. Airtime For Churches and Political Parties 17

B. The First Amendment and Broadcasting 18

1. History 18

2. The licensee as a public trustee 20

a. Influence on Editorial Freedom 20

aa. Diversity and Quality 20

bb. Fairness Doctrine 22

b. Influence on Entrepreneurial Freedom 23

aa. The Person of the Owner 23

bb. The Efficiency of Spectrum Use 23

3. Content-based regulation without strict scrutiny: Red Lion and Pacifica 24

4. Broadcasting and Cable: Different Worlds ? 26

C. Comparison 26

III. Why Broadcasting is Treated Differently 27

A. Scarcity 27

B. High Entry Barriers 29

C. Accessibility for children 30

D. Intrusiveness / Pervasiveness 31

E. Allocation of Communication Power 32

IV. Current Broadcasting Regulation in the Light of Technological Changes 33

A. Digitization and Abundance 33

B. Digitization and Convergence 35

C. Interactivity and Intrusiveness 36

D. Convergence, Globalization and Communication Power 38

V. Conclusion 39
 


The "Sondersituation"(1)

of Broadcasting

in German and American Law

I. Introduction

Broadcast media, more than any other media organ, are subject to the highest level of content regulation. This observation is true for the German as well as for the American Telecommunications Law. This inquiry will give an overview of the existing broadcast regulations in both countries.(2)

It will focus on regulation that is likely to influence the editorial freedom of broadcasters. The "special situation" of broadcasting will be analyzed separately in the light of the different constitutional guarantees. Particular attention will be given to the definition, description and analysis of the underlying motives that are employed to justify limitations of editorial freedom in the broadcasting realm (III).

Due to the rapidly ongoing changes in technology, media perception and in the economics of telecommunications, these rationales become questionable, as does the future of the "Sondersituation" of broadcasting. Therefore, this paper sill discuss how these factual changes might affect the justification of retaining these regulations (IV).

II. How Broadcasting is Treated Differently

A. Art. 5 Grundgesetz and the Development of the "Dual System" in Germany

The basic rights concerning communication are protected by Art. 5 of the German Constitution (GG). It reads:

1: cl.1: Everyone has the right to freely express and to disseminate his opinion by speech, writing and pictures and freely to inform himself from generally accessible sources. cl. 2: Freedom of the press and freedom of reporting by means of broadcasting and film are guaranteed. cl. 3: There will be no censorship.

2: These rights are limited by the provisions of general statutes, in statutory provisions for the protection of the youth and in the right to personal honor.

3: Art and science, research and teaching are free. Freedom of teaching does not absolve from allegiance to the constitution.(3)
 
 

From the early days of German post-second world war constitutional jurisprudence, Art. 5 GG was found to contain "more than only the individual right of the citizen against the state of a respected sphere in which he can express opinions unlimitedly."(4)

As the several rights guaranteed by this provision enable "a constant intellectual discourse, the battle of opinions", it is essential for the process of the formation of a public opinion in a democracy.(5)

It is "simply constituent"(6) for the order in a liberal, democratic community of which a core element is the debate.While nevertheless the Freedom of Expression (Art. 5 1 cl. 1, 1st alternative GG), the Freedom of the Press (Art. 5 1 cl. 2, 1st alternative GG) and of Film (Art. 5 1 cl. 2, 3rd alternative GG), and the Freedom of Information (Art. 5 1 cl. 1, 2nd alternative GG) mainly function as basic individual rights in the traditional way of barring state action, the Freedom of Broadcasting is understood significantly different. The German Constitutional Court and most of the Constitutional Law scholars in Germany believe that government has to specially safeguard and shape this freedom through legislation. The Freedom of Broadcasting does not in first place prohibit, but require government regulation.(7)
 

1. History

a. Broadcasting in Germany started on October 29, 1923 when "The German Hour, Association for Wireless Education and Entertainment Ltd." went on air with an entertainment radio program in Berlin. Initiated by Deutsche Reichspost (DRP), that sought new sources of income in the time of inflation, broadcasting was carried out by private companies that used broadcasting equipment provided by the state postal authority. Over the years, DRP managed to take over the majority of the boards of all the nine regional broadcasting companies in Germany.

b. In 1926, the DRP started issuing licenses for companies that wanted to broadcast through DRP's equipment. The conditions for qualifying for a license included stringent content and structural regulation.(8) The programmers had to transfer 51% of their stock to a parent company, the "Reichsrundfunkgesellschaft" (RRG), of which the DRP held 51%. Broadcasting was financed by a broadcasting fee that every listener had to pay and of which the DRP kept 60% while spreading the rest to the programmers. Revenues from advertising only played a marginal role.

c. Even before 1933, the state had completely taken control of the RRG(9) and installed broadcasting commissioners in every programming company as well as on the level of the Reich. When Hitler abolished the Laender in 1934, broadcasting was finally centralized and used as a mere propaganda tool for the state and the national-socialist party.

d. After 1945, German politicians attempted to re-establish government control of broadcasting, but the allied forces - led by the United States - objected to any state interference in broadcasting. By law or allied order, regional broadcasters were established in the form of bodies of public law. Those organizations that today form the ARD(10) were given the right of self-governance and were organized to guarantee maximum political neutrality and minimum government influence. Although installed by state legislation and operating under public law, those broadcasters(11) are constitutionally located outside of the realm of state. They are protected by Art. 5 I cl. 2 GG (hereinafter: The Broadcasting Clause) and can thus defend themselves against government intrusion into their liberty. For all this time, public-law broadcasting had a monopoly in Germany.(12)

e. The final introduction of private broadcasting in Germany in the mid-80s was a reaction to the new transmission technologies, such as satellite and broadband cable, broadly introduced in the USA and Japan in the 1960s and 1970s. After more than 15 years of research and debate, the first "cable islands"(13) were operational in 1984, creating space for more channels. Only thereafter was the regulatory framework(14) for private broadcasting enacted. A broad political majority believed that private broadcasting should not be allowed to take off at the expense of the incumbent public-law channels. Notwithstanding this rationale, some private television programs were allowed to broadcast over the air which laid the basis for their success. Since then, the Bundesverfassungsgericht has repeatedly sanctioned the coexistence of private broadcasting alongside public-law broadcasting(15). This coexistence is called the "dual system"(16).

2. Broadcasting and Cable: No Difference

In 1982, the Deutsche Bundespost (DBP) started construction on a broadband cable network in Germany. Today 65 % of all German households are connected to this network which is, at the backbone level,(17) completely owned by the recently privatized successor of DBP, the Deutsche Telekom AG. In German constitutional law, cable is only seen as an alternative means of transportation. The regulations concerning the operation of broadcasting companies and the content related restrictions discussed here apply equally to terrestrial or cable conveyance. This is because "broadcasting" in the German legal understanding includes signal transmission by wire.(18)

3. Art. 5 I cl. 2 Grundgesetz as a "Serving Liberty"

The "Sondersituation" of broadcasting in Germany cannot be understood without the knowledge about the way The Broadcasting Clause is interpreted in contrast to other basic rights provisions of the German constitution.

The classic-liberal tradition views basic rights as only creating a sphere of liberty for the individual in which she can perform the protected conduct free from state intervention. Any social relevance of the protected conduct is purely factual, but not normative, i.e. the conduct in question is not protected only in order to further special societal goals. German constitutional doctrine emphasizes that beyond this function, the basic rights of the constitution in their entirety form an "objective order of values"(19), a design for society and a set of values, government has to guarantee and protect permanently. This is the general way in which the basic rights of the German constitution are understood and applied.

The objective function of basic rights can have a different effect on the individual right aspect of a guarantee: A basic right protects certain conduct only insofar as it is directed at the objective value the guarantee is designed to secure. For example, if free speech is only related to the political process, the individual only enjoys protection of the guarantee insofar as he is a participant in the process of free (political) communication. There can be no conflict between the objective direction and the subjective protection of the basic right. Broadcasting serves "both as a medium and factor in the constitutionally protected process of free opinion formation."(20)

According to the Bundesverfassungsgericht, the importance of broadcasting for this core function of a democratic state does not allow a mere classical-liberal approach to be applied to the protection of this conduct. In contrast, the individual liberty is so closely linked to the purpose for which it was guaranteed that it can only be exercised in pursuance of this purpose. Therefore, the freedom of broadcasting in the jurisdiction of the Bundesverfassungsgericht is a "serving liberty".(21)  It is not meant for the deliberate use of its bearer. "As a serving liberty (the freedom of broadcasting) is not primarily guaranteed to the benefit of broadcasters but to the benefit of free and comprehensive opinion formation, privately and publicly."(22)   The freedom of broadcasting can only fulfill this function of serving the process of free opinion formation, if two elements are present: First, broadcasting has to be free of government influence. Here, the classic defense function of basic rights comes into play(23). But this rights defense is not sufficient to guarantee broadcasting freedom. Mere freedom from governmental influence does not on its own mean that that the broadcasting industry can freely engage in the comprehensive shaping of opinion making. Defensive regulation alone cannot accomplish this task. Rather, the accomplishment of this task requires that a system be created to ensure that the diversity of existing opinions finds its greatest possible breadth and completeness through broadcasting, and that, as a consequence, comprehensive information will be offered to the public. In order to activate this goal the legislature must enact substantive, organizational, and procedural provisions designed to faciliate the function of broadcasting liberty and to secure what Art. 5 1 GG guarantees.(24)

Interpreted in this way, the freedom of broadcasting requires a body of statutes that encourage and maintain variety. There is a need for statutes that flesh out the contours of this right that directly emerges from the guarantee itself (' the contouring power", see infra 4. f.).(25)

4. The Consequence: The Constitution Requires Regulation

The Bundesverfassungsgericht has elaborated through several decisions a set of parameters in which the required regulation must be orientated in order not to violate the guarantee of The Broadcasting Clause.(26)

a. The Need for Statutory Regulation

The fundamental principles of the rule of law and democracy require that all "important" decisions are made by the legislature. As the positive order required by the freedom of broadcasting has direct influence on the degree of constitutional protection, it is "important" in that sense. Administrative regulations or decisions cannot shape the content of the constitution.

b. Organization

Regulation has to ensure that broadcasters are organized in a way that is likely to encourage and maintain a free formation of opinions. Under current law (of the Laender(27)), the highest governing body of the public-law regional broadcasters is the Broadcasting Council (BC). It is in charge of the broadcasters' budget, has the power of ex-post control of the programming and elects the chairman (Intendant) of the organization. It's members are nominated by several "societally relevant" groups ("benches"). The "state bench" consists of members elected by the state parliament. Members of the "bench of associations", "bench of citizens" and "culture bench" are drawn from non-governmental organizations, cultural groups, interest groups of senior citizens, handicapped, and aliens. The state legislature decides which organization is eligible to nominate members to the BC. It enjoys broad discretion in this regard.(28) All members of the BC are supposed not to represent their respective interest group, but to act as an "attorney of the common interest"(29).

For private broadcasters, these standards are lower. They may establish a Programming Council (PC)(30) representing the same relevant groups of society. The PC has almost no executive powers but can make suggestions and complaints.(31) If the private broadcasting company fails to provide sufficient diversity in its programming, it can be required to establish a PC (see infra d.).

c. Pluralism

In order to be a factor of the formation of opinions, broadcasting has to present the diversity of existing opinions in its greatest possible breadth and completeness. According to the jurisprudence of the Bundesverfassungsgericht, the constitution requires no particular system of plurality safeguards, but leaves it to the discretion of the legislature. In general, statutes have to guarantee that the means of broadcasting are not surrendered to one single group in society. "Therefore, broadcasting companies must be organized to allow all interests worthy of consideration to exert influence on their governing boards and to express themselves in the overall programming."(32) Two systems have been found to be constitutionally acceptable:

aa. Internal Pluralism

The concept describes an organization of broadcasting companies in which the influence of the relevant societal forces is carried out internally through their representation within the governing bodies of the companies. If the legislature chooses this option, it has to provide objective determinations and evaluations as to which groups are to be represented and how their influence in the respective body can be efficiently safeguarded. It will have to do so on the basis of the existing social forces.(33)

bb. External Pluralism

Instead of the internal pluralism or in combination with it(34), broadcasting can be organized in a way that guarantees that the overall supply of domestic programming represents the entire spectrum of existing opinions in society. But the Bundesverfassungsgericht has made it clear that mere reliance on regulative market forces cannot satisfy the plurality requirement.(35)

cc. Reality

The Media Statutes of the several Laender have unanimously chosen a system of internal pluralism for their public-law broadcasters. Private broadcasting companies are subject to lower standards of programming variety. Otherwise mere sports, movie or weather channels would not be constitutionally permissible. Some Laender statutes explicitly state that private broadcasting is seen as an addition to the public-law programs and the degree of plurality of programming required by the constitution is accomplished by taking into account the entirety of accessible programming - thus combining the internal and external plurality approaches.(36)
 

d. State Supervision

Although broadcasting has to be free from state influence, the Bundesverfassungsgericht has constantly held that state statutes have to provide for "limited state supervision" of broadcasters.(37) This is understood to be legal supervision, not professional supervision. To justify this requirement, the argument is made that the state is responsible for the legal conduct of the entities it statutorily created.(38) Thus, Laender governments are constitutionally permitted (and required) to report violations of the law by broadcasters and to directly order a remedy in single cases.

Private broadcasting is subject to a different system of supervision. A statute allowing private broadcasters must - to safeguard the aforementioned purpose of the freedom of broadcasting - regulate their entry to the market and their continuous supervision.(39) In accordance with that, every Land has established a "State Media Authority" (SMA). Their duty is to license private broadcasters and to monitor their compliance with the media law, especially with the requirements of plurality and balance of content set forth in the RStV and in the media statutes of the several Laender. The SMAs have the power to order "actions securing diversity" which means they can order a private broadcaster to allocate airtime to independent third parties(40) and to decree the establishment of a PC(41) (see supra b.); ultimately they can revoke licenses. Furthermore, they can issue regulations on advertising and youth protection.(42) The main body of the SMAs is, with the exception of Berlin/Brandenburg and Baden-Wuerttemberg, a plurality board similarly structured as the BC of public-law broadcasters.

e. Antitrust

According to the rationale that government regulation has to guarantee that the means of broadcasting are not surrendered to one single group in society, a whole body of media antitrust law has emerged(43). Until December 31, 1996 a private broadcaster was allowed to operate two radio and two television programs. The new RStV 1997 establishes - following the American model - a market share system: An antitrust issue arises if one company has "dominant opinion power", no matter how many channels or stations it owns or is affiliated with. A "dominant opinion power" is statutorily assumed in two cases: (a) A company with all the programs that it is affiliated with reaches an average annual 30% share of all viewers. (b) A company reaches slightly less than 30 % but has a dominant position in a related media market and an overall evaluation reveals that the resulting influence on public opinion equivalates a TV viewers' share of 30 %.

f. Conclusion

One must keep in mind that in setting up this regulatory framework, the legislature - in the opinion of the Bundesverfassungsgericht - acts in compliance with constitutional requirements. The Bundesverfassungsgericht draws a strict line between "contouration" and "limitation" of the freedom of broadcasting. The first is only subject to a uniquely low level of scrutiny: As long as such legislation serves the purpose of furthering the process of free private and public formation of opinions, and is not vague, it has not even to be justified under the reservation clause of Art. 5 2 GG. This only applies to regulation going beyond the aforementioned parameters. Such regulation is either an unconstitutional contouring statute(44) or a regulation that serves a government interest outside the range of communications.(45)

5. The "Freedom from State" Rationale

The freedom from state rationale, repeatedly upheld by the Bundesverfassungsgericht(46), requires that the means of broadcasting must not be in the hands of state. This principle safeguards the intermediary function of broadcasting in the process of public opinion formation and is thus strictly content-related.(47). It forbids any state influence on content selection. The Bundesverfassungsgericht now interprets the principle more leniently(48): The state is only prohibited to (a) be a broadcaster itself and (b) have a dominant influence on any broadcaster.

The conflict between the responsibility of the state for the contouraton of The Broadcasting Clause and the "Freedom from State" rationale gets obvious when the Bundesverfassungsgericht writes: "It would not meet the constitutional requirement of freedom of broadcasting if only government influence was eliminated and broadcasting was handed over to the free interplay of (market) powers.(...) In contrast, it is the responsibility of the legislature that there is an overall programming supply which reflects the diversity of opinions constituent for a free democracy."(49)

These words have never been overruled.

6. The "Basic Supply" Rationale

Another particularity of German media law derives from the "dual system" of public-law and private broadcasting. The Bundesverfassungsgericht takes it for granted that broadcasters financed by advertisements and driven by the hunt for eye-balls will not serve the purpose of opinion formation in the way the constitution is held to require(50). On the other hand, the Bundesverfassungsgericht has held that the constitution does not prohibit private broadcasting completely. The only solution to that discrepancy was to burden the public-law broadcasters with the duty to provide for a "basic supply". They have to offer so-called "quality" programming as a sort of "universal service" to everybody to - strictly speaking - make allegedlz low-quality private broadcasting constitutionally permissible. The consequences of this rationale reveal the policy preferences of the Bundesverfassungsgericht: (a) as soon as public-law broadcasting for some reason fails to provide "basic supply", private broadcasting has to change its programming or shut down; (b) the rationale justifies the broadcasting fee that finances public-law broadcasters and the SMAs that supervise private broadcasters; (c) "basic supply" also includes cable and satellite transmission which gives public-law broadcasters a first pick on new transmission technology; (d) as the Bundesverfassungsgericht has never reduced the activity of public-law broadcasters to "basic supply", it guarantees their dynamic development.

7. Particular Limitations on the Editorial Freedom of Broadcasters

Summing up, a short list of various restrictions on broadcasters should complete the picture of the Sondersituation of German broadcasting.

a. License

All broadcasters are entitled to be allocated a piece of spectrum of the airwaves or a place in cable. Besides that, private broadcasters require a license issued by the SMA. In this procedure, the reliability and organizational structure as well as the program content are checked(51) on the basis of a program format proposal. This is challenged by some authors as censorship.(52)

b. "Program Standards"

Both public-law and private broadcasters are bound by general standards for the content of their programming: they have to report on full extent the diversity of views and opinions in ethics, sciences and arts in the most possible breadth and completeness. They have to ensure that all important societal forces in the region have their views aired in the program and they have to provide sufficient time for the coverage of controversial issues.(53) Furthermore they have to preserve the free democratic basic order, human dignity and promote tolerance and communication among peoples.(54)

Several kinds of programming are statutorily forbidden, and criminalized or fined. It is forbidden to encourage xenophobic hatred, to show violence against humans as if it were harmless, to heroise war, to show pornography and to show people who are dying or suffering in a way that abridges their dignity.(55)

c. Advertisement

Advertisement is strictly regulated for both public-law and private broadcasters. Besides general provisions about the content of commercials (not misleading, fit for children etc.) and separation of programming and commercials, statutes regulate the amount of commercials: Advertisement on public-law channels cannot exceed 20 minutes per day, no commercials are allowed on Sundays(56). There must not be more than 20 % commercials per hour. On radio 90 minutes per day are allowed. Private broadcasters may only insert commercials once every 45 minutes. In sports events commercials may only be inserted in breaks(57). Public-law broadcasters are not allowed to broadcast tele-shopping programming.(58)

d. Right of Reply

Everybody who was subject to a factual allegation in a broadcast programming has a right of reply against the broadcaster if she has a legitimate interest in the reply. The right has to be exercised within six weeks after the challenged broadcast and the time given to the reply cannot exceed the challenged part of the programming in length.(59)

e. Protection of the Youth

Broadcast programming that "on its face appears to be a severe moral danger to children and adolescents"(60) is forbidden by law. Programming that is "likely to endanger children and adolescents physically, mentally or emotionally" is prohibited, unless it is broadcast after 11pm.(61)
 

f. Airtime For Churches and Political Parties

According to the constitutional provisions protecting actions of the churches (Art. 4, Art. 140 GG) and political parties (Art. 21 GG), the RStV as well as the state media statutes oblige broadcasters to provide airtime for these institutions.(62)

B. The First Amendment and Broadcasting

In the United States of America, broadcasting is considered the most highly regulated medium, too. This section will outline the origins and consequences of broadcasting regulation.

1. History

The most prominent promoter of both broadcasting and its regulation was Herbert Hoover. As Secretary of Commerce, he recognized the future of broadcast radio technology and enlarged the scope of the 1912 Radio Act to cover commercial broadcasting (as opposed to commercial telegraphy). Furthermore, he kept assigning new portions of spectrum to commercial radio broadcasters. By the end of 1922 he had licensed 576 stations throughout the United States(63). But he also believed in organizing the use of the "great national asset" (i.e. the spectrum) through regulation, for what the federal government - until 1927 - lacked the statutory basis.(64) Following a short period of the notorious "etheric bedlam"(65), the judiciary offered a property rights solution to the chaos on the airwaves.(66) What was terminated like a historic blink of an eye by the passage of the Radio Act of 1927(67) launched a remarkable renaissance in today's telecommunications discussion.(68)

The question of spectrum allocation remained the crucial issue. This opened the door to further regulation by the FRC and since 1934 the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) not only for content-neutral restrictions during the licensing process(69), but also for content-based regulations during ongoing operations of the station.(70) With the advent of broadcast television and - later - cable, the FCC and the courts elaborated the special role of broadcasting with respect to editorial freedom(71) and cross-ownership issues.(72)
 

2. The licensee as a public trustee(73)

As the license was regarded a precious asset, everyone who got it from government for free could in return be required to carry out various obligations.(74) The main goal was to supply viewers and listeners with a well balanced mix of programming, with diverse opinions on subjects of general interest and local origin. Although broadcasters' action could never be considered as state action(75), the editorial and entrepreneurial freedom of broadcasters has always been subject to more government influence than that permitted by the First Amendment in respect of the print media.

a. Influence on Editorial Freedom

aa. Diversity and Quality

From the early days of broadcasting, the Commission used its licensing power and the "public interest" requirement to actively remove certain kinds of speech off the air